{"id":72482,"date":"2026-04-23T13:46:25","date_gmt":"2026-04-23T11:46:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.i4ce.org\/?p=72482"},"modified":"2026-04-23T13:52:45","modified_gmt":"2026-04-23T11:52:45","slug":"european-competitiveness-fund-step-towards-european-green-industrial-policy-climate","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.i4ce.org\/en\/european-competitiveness-fund-step-towards-european-green-industrial-policy-climate\/","title":{"rendered":"The European Competitiveness Fund \u2013 one more step towards a European Green Industrial Policy?"},"content":{"rendered":"

The European Competitiveness Fund is the EU’s best shot at financing its green industrial policy \u2013 if it is designed and targeted correctly. In this blog, Ciar\u00e1n Humphreys and Elena Schneider react to the European Parliament’s ITRE draft report, arguing that its proposed expert Council is welcome but, without a public data observatory and real coordination with Member States, insufficient to meet the moment.<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In March of this year, with the world’s attention fixed on the war\u00a0in\u00a0Iran and the fate of the Strait of Hormuz, Beijing quietly unveiled its 15th Five-Year Plan. Tucked into its 109 “major engineering projects” was a clear statement of industrial intent for 2026\u20132030: a fully integrated green hydrogen-to-green-fuels value chain,\u00a0next-generation batteries,\u00a0and\u00a0a significant expansion of nuclear and renewables.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Brussels has been having its own\u00a0debate\u00a0on strategic prioritisation. Since the\u00a0clear\u00a0diagnosis\u00a0of the\u00a0Draghi report,\u00a0the idea that the EU must make choices if it wants to compete in the clean industries of the future\u00a0has become increasingly orthodox\u00a0(even if those choices\u00a0have yet\u00a0to be made by policymakers).\u00a0This week’s publication of the\u00a0<\/span>draft report<\/span><\/a>\u00a0from the European Parliament’s Industry, Research and Energy committee (ITRE) gives us a\u00a0<\/span>f<\/span>urther<\/span>\u00a0indication\u00a0\u00a0on\u00a0whether we are actually moving in that direction.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/h3>\n

 <\/p>\n

Why the Competitiveness Fund matters<\/b>\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n

It is worth being explicit about why the ECF deserves so much political attention. Strategic prioritisation without investment capacity is an empty exercise; investment without strategic targeting is a slow-motion misallocation of public money.\u00a0As\u00a0<\/span>we argued last year<\/span><\/a>, the ECF\u00a0is\u00a0the primary\u00a0EU-level lever for a more targeted, better-funded European\u00a0green\u00a0industrial policy\u00a0that can deliver\u00a0on both competitiveness and decarbonisation. If strategic prioritisation does not show up here, it will not show up at all.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The good news: ITRE\u00a0proposes expert governance\u00a0for\u00a0the Fund<\/span><\/b>\u00a0<\/span><\/h3>\n

The most interesting move in the ITRE draft is the proposed\u00a0<\/span>Economic and Technological Advisory Council<\/span><\/b>\u00a0(ETAC): a body of up to fifteen independent experts, appointed through open call,\u00a0<\/span>advising<\/span>\u00a0the Commission on economic and technological developments, market failures, and the identification of strategic portfolios across ECF sectors. The Council would publish an annual report each\u00a0September, and\u00a0would\u00a0operate\u00a0independently\u00a0\u2013 although how binding their recommendations would be\u00a0on eventual funding decisions\u00a0remains unclear.\u00a0The purely expert nature of the ETAC, with no\u00a0structured participation\u00a0from\u00a0any of the EU institutions,\u00a0risk leaving this new body isolated.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Nonetheless, this is a welcome proposal. It is also strikingly familiar. In terms of expert guidance on strategic priorities, it reflects what I4<\/span>CE<\/strong> – and <\/span>others<\/span><\/a>\u00a0–\u00a0had\u00a0expected\u00a0to see\u00a0emerge\u00a0from another Draghi-inspired initiative: the Competitiveness Coordination Tool (CCT). The CCT was meant to provide precisely this combination of\u00a0independent analysis, diagnosis of current weaknesses,\u00a0and strategic steer. Instead,\u00a0the CCT is being\u00a0<\/span>“tested”<\/span><\/a>\u00a0through narrow pilots on AI Gigafactories\u00a0and\u00a0e-truck charging infrastructure,\u00a0as well as further initiatives in the fields of\u00a0housing and the bioeconomy. In practice, it is drifting towards becoming an umbrella label for\u00a0unconnected\u00a0cross-border projects rather than a governance architecture for industrial policy. Seeing the\u00a0<\/span>original\u00a0<\/span>spirit of the CCT\u00a0<\/span>kept alive through the ECF’s governance is therefore no small thing.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/h3>\n

 <\/p>\n

But a council of experts is not enough<\/span><\/b><\/h3>\n

An ETAC is a step in the right direction, but if it ends up being the entirety of the EU’s governance\u00a0upgrade for industrial policy,\u00a0then\u00a0it will be seriously insufficient. Two things are missing: better data, and broader coordination.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Better data<\/span><\/b><\/h3>\n

Industrial policymakers make consequential investment decisions in a chronically thin information environment. That gap is today filled, by default, by industries and advocacy groups. They have a legitimate role to play\u00a0–\u00a0but independent, public-interest data is indispensable if strategic prioritisation is to mean anything more than\u00a0following the loudest voices in the room. Civil society can and does help: I4<\/span>CE<\/strong>‘s\u00a0<\/span>State of\u00a0European Climate\u00a0Investment<\/a>\u00a0work, and our contribution to the\u00a0<\/span>European\u00a0Climate\u00a0Neutrality\u00a0Observatory<\/span><\/a>, are proof of concept. But the EU itself is best placed to build this resource at scale.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

That is why it is disappointing that the ITRE draft report\u00a0deletes\u00a0the Commission’s proposal for an\u00a0<\/span>Observatory of Emerging Technologies<\/span><\/b>\u00a0as part of the ECF governance framework. A body along these lines\u00a0–\u00a0perhaps building\u00a0on the existing\u00a0expertise\u00a0of the Commission’s Joint Research Centre (JRC),\u00a0as\u00a0<\/span>recently proposed<\/span><\/a>\u00a0–\u00a0would be the natural complement to the ETAC, providing the transparent, public data foundation on which its recommendations would rest. Without it, there is a real risk that the Council of experts becomes just one more voice among many, easily drowned out during the annual budgetary horse-trading that will actually decide how ECF money gets spent. Data gives expert recommendations teeth.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/h2>\n

Broader coordination<\/span><\/b><\/h3>\n

The proposed \u20ac234 billion envelope for the ECF over seven years is not trivial, but it is a rounding error next to Chinese industrial investment. It is also significantly smaller, on an annualised basis, than Germany’s \u20ac500 billion special fund for infrastructure and climate\u00a0–\u00a0a\u00a0<\/span>national<\/span><\/i>\u00a0instrument. If strategic prioritisation applies only to ECF disbursements, then the vast majority of relevant public investment capacity across the EU\u00a0–\u00a0national budgets, IPCEIs, state aid under the Clean Industrial Deal State Aid Framework, the cohesion funds, EIB lending\u00a0–\u00a0will remain outside the ETAC’s remit,\u00a0steered by twenty-seven uncoordinated sets of priorities. That is not going to match the coherence of Chinese or American industrial policy. It is not even going to match Germany’s.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The EU\u00a0has models to build upon. The European Semester, for all its flaws, shows how macroeconomic and budgetary dialogue between the Commission and Member States can be structured; and\u00a0its interaction with\u00a0the Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) demonstrated, perhaps more powerfully than any other recent instrument, what happens when you pair\u00a0coordination\u00a0and conditions\u00a0with real financial incentives.\u00a0Linking disbursements to reforms lifted\u00a0the implementation of Semester\u00a0country-specific recommendations\u00a0by 17 percentage points\u00a0–\u00a0a striking\u00a0shift in a framework that had\u00a0been oft-criticised for its inability to shift national decision-making.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

In the sectoral space, the Energy Union and offer a working template\u00a0of comparable scale.\u00a0Created to bring coherence to a fragmented landscape of largely national energy policies,\u00a0its 2018 Governance Regulation\u00a0\u2013 up for review by the end of the 2026\u00a0\u2013 established a structured\u00a0cycle.\u00a0Member\u00a0States set out national contributions to shared EU targets,\u00a0while\u00a0the Commission provides guidance before adoption and monitors progress thereafter, and a high-level Task Force coordinates more pressing areas of action.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Industrial policy has no equivalent. It remains stuck between an exclusive competence toolkit (state aid and competition policy, largely designed to\u00a0<\/span>prevent\u00a0bad outcomes in the Single Market) and a patchwork of\u00a0weaker enabling\u00a0instruments\u00a0–\u00a0Auctions-as-a-Service, Grants-as-a-Service, IPCEIs\u00a0–\u00a0that\u00a0streamline investments\u00a0and\u00a0pool resources\u00a0but do\u00a0too\u00a0little to\u00a0build genuine cross-border value chains.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/h2>\n

What’s needed: an\u00a0Industrial\u00a0Policy\u00a0Union<\/b>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

This is where the original ambition for a Competitiveness Coordination Tool still has something to offer\u00a0\u2013\u00a0a\u00a0genuine coordination framework.\u00a0Thought of as an\u00a0Energy Union for industrial policy, the CCT\u00a0could give Member States a structured space to align behind the strategic technology priorities identified by an Observatory and the ETAC; to map national strengths onto pan-European value chains in batteries, electrolysers, heat pumps, grid equipment, clean steel and the rest; and to coordinate state aid and regulatory measures so that each Member State’s investment reinforces the others rather than cannibalising them.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

The RRF is winding down in 2026 with no real successor in sight, which means the EU’s most effective coordination lever is about to disappear just as global industrial competition intensifies.\u00a0A properly designed\u00a0ETAC, backed by a public data observatory and embedded in a real coordination framework with Member States, would start to fill that gap.\u00a0Hoping that \u20ac234 billion over seven years will, by itself, be enough to nudge twenty-seven capitals towards a coherent European industrial policy is not a strategy.\u00a0Therefore,\u00a0a\u00a0fully-developed\u00a0coordination architecture\u00a0remains\u00a0crucial.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

China\u00a0has a plan. Germany has a fund.\u00a0<\/span>The EU\u00a0<\/span>is taking its first steps towards developing both.\u00a0The ITRE text\u00a0is\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span>promising\u00a0–\u00a0but if Europe wants to\u00a0truly update its\u00a0industrial policy,\u00a0there is still some ground to cover.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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