Publications

Investments that allow households to free themselves from dependence on fossil fuels—electric vehicles, heat pumps, home insulation—are attracting growing interest, and the government recently unveiled its plan to accelerate the electrification of end-uses

Energy prices, cost of low-carbon equipment, and public aid: how will the evolution of these factors in 2026 impact the ability of middle-income households to invest in the transition?

Subsidising projects is no longer enough. Without secured demand and a coordinated targeted European framework, the French and European green industries risk skidding to a halt on the road to scale.

What industrial policy should we pursue to support domestic cleantech, to secure our energy and industrial sovereignty?

The European Competitiveness Fund is the EU's best shot at financing its green industrial policy – if it is designed and targeted correctly.

The transition to a clean economy is not only a project of laws and targets : it needs to be built. France is leading the way in Europe, with France 2030 as the blueprint.

European leaders gathered last week for a European Summit, with the objective, among others, of finding solutions to rising energy prices in the wake of the Middle East conflict.

As the Americans would say, 2026 feels like a case of ‘déjà vu’... petrol prices are skyrocketing, against the backdrop of war.

Since 2005, the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) has been a cornerstone of Europe’s climate policy. With the price per tonne of CO2 now beginning to stabilise at between €60 and €80, and the gradual reduction in free allowances, 2026’s review of the system should be an opportunity to reflect on and upgrade its performance as the EU continues towards climate neutrality.  

Since 2005, the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) has been a cornerstone of Europe’s climate policy. With the price per tonne of CO2 now beginning to stabilise at between €60 and €80, and the gradual reduction in free allowances, 2026’s review of the system should be an opportunity to reflect on and upgrade its performance as the EU continues towards climate neutrality.  

Several voices are now being heard in Europe, coming from Member States – including that of Chancellor Merz – and from industry, calling for the rules of the CO2 quota system to be weakened. For Benoît LEGUET and Jean PISANI-FERRY, this would be a mistake for Europe. And for France. On the contrary, we must strengthen this unique public policy in order to develop our industry. 

As the European Commission prepares an integrated framework on climate resilience and risk management for the EU, the public consultation has just wrapped up – an important step towards the publication of the proposals for the framework later this year. One of the main areas of focus will be the issue of financing adaptation, with the first key challenge being to mainstream the concept of resilience by design into all European funding currently under discussion, including structural policies such as the Common Agricultural Policy and the Connecting Europe Facility.

An outlook on EU investment needs for the energy transition and the EU’s 2040 climate target. Just before the start of COP30 in Belém, EU Member States agreed to reduce net greenhouse gas emissions by 90% in 2040 compared to 1990 levels, including a 5% flexibility through international carbon credits. 

The upcoming food sovereignty conferences are likely to shape debates on the future of French agriculture in 2026. The main responses provided over the past two years can be summarised as follows: remove production constraints to produce more of everything (both animal and plant products), to recover market shares in France and abroad. Seeking to produce more of everything without considering adaptation or transition is a form of denial, at a time when climate change is hitting farmers hard and regularly, and when our dependence on imported fertilisers and oilseed meals undermines our sovereignty. The conferences must take these considerations into account — otherwise, they will serve only to perpetuate the notion of an illusory sovereignty. 

In a challenging economic and political context, especially for the agriculture sector, some incentive schemes can still help bring stakeholders together in climate transition and resilience initiatives. This is the case with carbon certification schemes, which both ensure the credibility of the climate impact of the actions implemented and provide remuneration for farmers and foresters for changes in practices. Some of these measures, such as replacing mineral fertilisers (mostly imported) with organic fertilisers, also help to meet the sector's needs for resilience and strategic independence, which are crucial in the current context.

The implementation of carbon farming practices on European farms and in European forests is a lever for achieving carbon neutrality, but also for farm resilience, the adaptation of forest stands to climate change and for contributing to our strategic independence. Certifying and financing low-carbon practices is the objective of the CRCF (Carbon Removals and Carbon Farming) regulation, which will come into effect in 2026. Now seems the right time to draw lessons from six years of experience with a similar standard in France: the “Label Bas-Carbone” (Low Carbon Label - LBC). The results show that striking a balance between scientific rigour and accessibility for stakeholders has led to the development of a substantial range of projects. However, the real challenge is to build sufficient and appropriate demand to finance the projects. There is no miracle solution, but complementary financing channels may emerge. 

The Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) came into force on 1 January 2026. It is a carbon tax applied at the borders of the European Union to imports of certain industrial products covered by the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS). Nitrogen-based mineral fertilisers are included in this initial list of products. To avoid an increase in costs for the farmers concerned, the level of the tax has been reduced for fertilisers, and they may even be temporarily excluded from the scope of the CBAM. Yet, for the climate, but also for France’s strategic independence and food sovereignty, the CBAM will ultimately have to be fully applied to mineral fertilisers. To limit or even avoid an increase in farmers’ fertiliser expenditure, we need public policies – some of which are currently under threat. Ring-fencing budgets for these policies would be a way to support farmers’ incomes and the food sovereignty of both the European Union and France, while reducing the carbon footprint of our food system. 

The year ahead promises to be electric. In a highly unpredictable geopolitical context, the European Union must balance its commitment to the long-term goals of climate neutrality and the immediate attention to security and competitiveness concerns. This puts electrification high on the agenda in Brussels. First, the Grids Package, presented in December 2025, provides for a more centralised approach to planning and is expected to be adopted by the Council in June. Second, before the summer, the Commission intends to present an Electrification Action Plan, which will focus on lowering prices and reinforcing demand. 

How distant December 12, 2015 now seems. All delegations at COP21 had then rallied behind Laurent Fabius’s little green hammer. Ten years later, the trend is closer to backlash. Climate action is now often portrayed in the public debate as too costly, because it requires major investment. Ineffective, since our share of global emissions is small. Unfair, because it cuts into purchasing power. Too divisive, supported only by part of the electorate. Too late, since keeping the planet below +2°C of warming now seems out of reach. Arguments that are partly true—yet require substantial nuance. 

A few weeks ago, COP30 concluded in Belém with all parties agreeing on a “global mobilization” (or mutirão) against climate change, proving that multilateralism remains a viable path for action, despite strong geopolitical and economic headwinds. However, Belém delivered underwhelming results: no roadmap to transition away from fossil fuels –despite a powerful push from President Lula, rallying over 80 countries, a lack of concrete decisions on deforestation –disappointing for an “Amazon COP”, and mixed results on the global goal on adaptation, among other outcomes.